Displaying items by tag: Syrian Economic Crisis

Recent weeks have revealed a gradual rise in socioeconomic protest movements carried out by Syrians across various parts of the country and in many economic sectors: from teachers to taxi drivers and street vendors, as well as the struggles of residents of the Jobar and Qaboun neighborhoods to preserve their rights and property. These also include protests against increased taxation rates, rising service prices, and the lifting of subsidies—especially for electricity and telecommunications—along with threats of privatizing the healthcare sector, and the grievances of dismissed employees or those still working but facing wage deductions or repeated delays in receiving their salaries.

On February 17, 2011, in Damascus’s al-Hariqa market—before any foreign interventions, before any influx of money or weapons, and as a natural, spontaneous result of the accumulated oppression, injustice, and anger—crowds of Syrians chanted in the face of the authorities and their representatives: “Thieves! Thieves!” They also chanted: “The Syrian people will not be humiliated”.

The fire raging in the Syrian province of Sweida has subsided, after its flames had burned the hearts of all Syrians, leaving behind more blood, pain, and tragedies. Although this fire has subsided, it has not yet been completely extinguished; like the fires lurking under the ashes throughout the country, as a result of problems and crises accumulated over decades, especially during the past 14 years, none of which have yet been addressed in a wise, serious, genuine, and responsible manner.

There is hardly any disagreement among Syrians about the major political imperatives facing the country. Foremost among these imperatives are the unity of the country’s territory and people; its sovereignty and civil peace; genuine transitional justice, not vindictive, retributive, or selective, allowing for redress for past harms and is based on an examination of the underlying causes to prevent their recurrence. The imperatives also include a unified national army that ends the faction-based divide and is built on competence and a comprehensive national identity that views all Syrians as equal citizens, and its mission is to defend Syrians against external aggression and uphold the constitution, which in turn must protect the freedom of Syrians in its political, social, and cultural dimensions.

The experiences of Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, Libya, and others teach us that the mere collapse of a ruling authority does not necessarily mean the fall of the ruling regime in its socioeconomic dimension – that is, the manner of distributing wealth and dealing with the country, its economy, and the rights of its people, whether in the national, democratic, or social sense. Those experiences also teach us that the collapse of a tyrannical and plundering regime cannot turn into a true and complete victory for the oppressed and plundered people unless it is complemented by building of a radically different new system – one that is socioeconomically just, democratic, and patriotic. One that preserves the sovereignty and wealth of its country, and through which the people can govern themselves.

Since Assad fled – nearly six months ago – we have, through Kassioun, repeatedly said:

US sanctions will not be lifted anytime soon, and let’s work to relaunch the Syrian economy, whether the sanctions are lifted or not, while continuing to demand lifting them.

The trend of decline and retreat among Western powers in general, and the US in particular, is rapidly growing at all levels: economic, political, military, and cultural. This is something that Kassioun has repeatedly emphasized, proactively, over the past 25 years. It has now become a tangible reality, the effects of which are constantly being revealed. Its major impacts, in the historical sense, are still only a few steps away, and have significantly affected and will continue to affect our Syrian situation.

Syria is enduring a series of complex and intertwined crises, the complexity of which increases with each additional day of delay in beginning a comprehensive solution. Perhaps the most significant of these crises are the following:

The “National Dialogue Conference” held last Tuesday, February 25, 2025, concluded with a final statement that included 18 items, which addressed some of the most fundamental issues that occupy the Syrian street. With the issuance of the statement and the end of the meeting, which was limited to two days, one day for introductions and one day for working, it is possible to provide an overall assessment of the experience. Perhaps might be useful to organize the evaluation by listing the basic pros and cons, then go to the conclusions.

Topics such as civil peace, arms control, transitional justice, preparations for the national conference, the transitional government, political pluralism, democracy, the required constitution, and foreign relations of the new Syria occupy an important space in public debate among politicians, intellectuals, and the media. They are all, without a doubt, important topics for Syria’s present and future, and preoccupy all Syrians. However, they do not constitute, at this moment, the greatest obsession and concern for the overwhelming majority of Syrians.